Alejandra Correa, The Pastoral Call for Post-Abortion Healing and Reconciliation in the U.S.
In 1971 in the US, Jane Roe in the case of Roe v. Wade contested against the State of Texas. The State of Texas was being represented by Henry Wade, a State District Attorney. Jane Roe was challenging the right to privately decide whether or not she should have a procured abortion. Roe, a Texas resident, was a single pregnant woman who wished to terminate her pregnancy by procured abortion "performed by a competent, licensed physician, under safe, clinical conditions."1 At the time Texas had a criminal abortion statute that only provided an exception to abortion given that "medical advice for the purpose of saving the life of the mother" had been issued.2
Roe claimed that "she could not afford to travel to another jurisdiction in order to secure a legal abortion under safe conditions."3 Consequently, she wished to sue the state of Texas claiming that the statutes were unconstitutionally vague. She further claimed that they abridged her right of personal privacy that was protected under the US Constitution. Roe purported to sue on behalf of herself and all other women similarly situated.4 Roe's case reached the US Supreme Court. The end result was that in 1973, Jane Roe won her case on the basis of the infringement of her privacy to choose. Her case turned the tide of procured abortion in America making it legal even still to this day.
Since Jane Roe won her case, abortion is no longer performed due to necessary or urgent medical reasons. It has become an on-demand industry. Dr. Vincent M. Rue, a psychotherapist and an expert on abortion and post-abortion matters, states that "abortion has become the most common surgical procedure in the US and in many nations throughout the world."5 In the US abortions are reported on a state-by-state basis and so many times are reported inaccurately. Therefore general statistics are lower than average. Statistics state that "the average American woman has an estimated 46% chance of experiencing an abortion in her lifetime."6 Abortion clinics are found anywhere in US cities and towns and advertise to the general public. It has become a multi-million dollar industry that has divided the nation in many ways. Hence let us take a closer look at some of the major consequence of the legalization of abortion.
For years since legalization the US has been divided into two sides of the abortion quarrel: pro-choice and pro-life. Typically the abortion scene has been depicted in this very black and white manner. There are those who are for the respect of life and those who are for the rights of women to choose. Abortion rhetoric makes the debate seem straightforward and clear. But in reality, throughout the past three decades, the abortion debate has evolved into a multi-faceted conundrum. As Rue states, "abortion remains one of the most emotionally charged and politically sensitive topics worldwide."7 It is clearly not as cut and dry as it seems. The playing field of the abortion argument is not just pro-choice and pro-life. The line that divides is much more blurred. "The idea that people are divided between those for and against abortion is simply incorrect."8 In fact, we will now see that although there has been a major influence by the pro-life movement, the notion of choice still prevails. Choice has a strong grip upon the two sides of the abortion issue.
In order to compare the influence of choice to the influence of the pro-life movement let us first examine one of the positive effects of the pro-life campaign. Herein I will examine only the United States Catholic Church (USCC) pro-life efforts. In 1975, only two years after the legalization of procured abortion, the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) issued a "Pastoral Plan for Pro-Life Activities", from now on referred to as "plan". The threefold plan was a sort of blue-print for pro-life activities within the Church.9 The plan covered everything from education and awareness, to legislative initiatives and pastoral care. The comprehensive plan was to extend outside the USCC into social, legal and communal areas. From the very beginning, one of the major goals of the USCCB, within the pro-life movement, was to stress the importance of educating the public sphere.
Although the plan was to cover other pressing matters such as euthanasia and injustice or inequality towards certain groups, one of its main focuses was education on the sanctity of human life from birth to natural death. The USCCB found that "the denial of the God-given right to life is one aspect of a larger problem. But that it was unlikely that efforts to protect other rights would be ultimately successful if life itself was continually diminished in value."10 They noted that in focusing attention on the sanctity of human life, they would help generate a greater respect for the life of each person in general; a right that was the foundation of all other rights
Before taking a closer look at the three aspects of the plan, let us look to whom the USCCB addressed this plan. "This Pastoral Plan is addressed to and calls upon all Church-sponsored or identifiably Catholic national, regional, diocesan, and parochial organizations and agencies to pursue the three-fold effort."11 It called for the specific role, whether individually or collectively, of religious, priests and lay faithful. The USCCB also encouraged evangelization by supporting Catholics to discuss these issues in both professional and academic spheres in order to bring the Gospel truth of the sanctity of life outside parish boundaries. Even the call for dialogue with brothers and sisters of other faiths or of no denomination was also promoted, most especially with those in the field of ethics. Yet the primary emphasis was placed on both diocesan and parochial structures which were to be the backbone of the plan's implementation. Let us now examine the three parts of the plan and how aforementioned structures were involved.
The first part of the plan was the educational aspect. The USCCB's goal was to boldly "deepen a respect for human life and heighten public opposition to permissive abortion."12 The plan was set up through a two-fold educational effort. The first one directed at the general public and the second targeting the Catholic community. The part directed towards the general public would help to create awareness of the threats brought about by abortion on human life. It would make the abortion debate more noticeable both in and out of the Church. It would also help to form firm convictions and commitments by those who normally would have no opinion. This would also help to make the Church more visible and active as a long-range participant in the pro-life cause. In the more practical sense of this aspect of the education plan, it would diffuse information through: "distribution of accurate information, reporting of newsworthy events, the issuance of public statements, such as testimonies on legislative issues and the writing of letters to editors."13
The other facet of education was directed towards the Catholic community. This part of the plan would be implemented by the diocesan and parochial structures already in place. This aspect was of high priority to the USCCB. The USCCB hoped that this could be an intensive long-range education effort that would lead to a clearer understanding of the issues on abortion. They also saw the need to form firm convictions and commitment among the faithful. Through this aspect of the plan, the Church would be able to fulfill her responsibility to educate her flock. The USCCB sought to educate in the legal, social, and medical arguments on the respect for life. In addition they saw the need to conjoin the latter with the most compelling theological and moral based arguments so that the faithful would be well informed in their beliefs.14 In the end this formation would serve as a tool for evangelization as well as confidence in the Church and her stance on the respect for life.
The USCCB wanted to give a foundation to all lay faithful in the dignity and sacredness of all human life. They wanted to shift the merely secularized argument of abortion and center it upon the Gospel truth. There was a need to emphasize upon God's love for man, reflected in His creation and redemption through His unique relationship with all humanity in Jesus Christ. The USCCB saw that the moral formation of the faithful would eventually lead to a stronger support for the pro-life movement both in and out of the USCC.
All those linked to education in any way, such as priests, religious, teachers, catechists would be asked to help implement the educational part of the plan. The USCC Department of Education would serve as a catalyst and resource for the dioceses to hold the educational project in place. This proposed program would be a major influence that would help to launch the educational tidal wave that would bring about the "Respect Life" campaign. Later on we will inspect the enormous impact of both the educational and the subsequently legislative facets.
Another component of the pastoral plan concerned the legislative program. From the beginning the US Bishops wished to underline the fact that as American Catholics they wished to defend a right that was not only upheld under Divine Law but also under the Constitution of the nation. The USCCB pointed out "as our founding fathers believed, we hold that all law is ultimately based on Divine Law, and that a just system of law cannot be in conflict with the law of God."15 They recognized very early on, the conflict between the outcome of Roe v. Wade and the moral order that should have been recognized within the legal process. They hoped this program would help to begin overturning the legalization of abortion. The program included some of the following: "passage of constitutional amendment on the protection of the unborn, passage of state and federal laws restricting abortion as much as possible, continuous research on the various court cases that helped to legalize abortion and legislative support that would ultimately offer alternatives to abortion."16 The program called for widespread cooperation of both pro-life Catholics and non-Catholics alike.
Implementation was proposed to all citizens who supported pro-life issues at the Congressional, state, diocesan and parish levels. Most of the organization trickled down through established Pro-life offices set up at diocesan and state level. This hierarchy would help to diffuse information and analyze important political trends and policies. The pro-life offices would also help in setting up various training programs. These programs would ultimately be linked to both educational and pastoral aspects of the plan that would allow for wider outreach in educating on the sanctity of life.
Finally, the pastoral aspect of the plan would make visible the Church's commitment to faith. Prayer and sacrifice would help to bring about fruits for a more effective pastoral care. The pastoral section would be divided into three major facets: moral guidance and motivation; service and care for women and unborn children; and finally healing and reconciliation. The first two aspects were closely linked to the educational efforts through training and development. Let us now look at each part in a bit more detail.
In order to speak of the first facet, moral guidance and motivation, it is important to underline how much choice had influenced the abortion debate by this time. Because of this the USCCB sought to stress the highly powerful and often misconstrued link between choice and freedom. They wished to do so by creating essential teachings on the nature of freedom. They also wished to highlight more accurately information regarding "the nature of the act of abortion, its effects and far reaching consequences."17 This would be one of the first efforts to begin concerted research in post-abortion reality. The Bishops had predicted that legalized abortion would have an immense impact on society and many women in the future.
The second facet, the service and care for women and unborn children, would help to inspire many apostolic initiatives. The USCCB encouraged various services and programs to be developed by religious, priests and lay. The services would include the following: education on alternatives to abortion, pre-natal and post-natal childbirth care; research efforts on maternal and fetal diseases and abnormalities; development of genetic counseling and gene therapy; adoption and foster care facilities; pregnancy counseling and pregnancy crisis; support and education for un-wed mothers as well as rape victims; Church sponsored health care; and finally quest for government assistance and social services. This wide array of outreach efforts would also help to establish both short and long-term goals.
It is essential to point out here that the first two aspects, both educational and legislative, were the two major components of the USCCB plan that allowed for the vast diffusion of pro-life information. Dr. David Reardon, a leader in post-abortion research and education, notes that "millions of dollars were spent on advertising campaigns, books, brochures, and even films to educate the public about the humanity of the unborn child."18 The Church has really made efforts to reach out to practicing Catholics, non-practicing and non-believers alike."The result of these efforts is that nearly 80% of the public will now admit that procured abortion involves the destruction of a human life."19 The manner in which the Church was able to diffuse this information to the general public has shown how the respect for life in the womb appeals to the conscience of many Americans. So then now we come to two crucial questions: Why then do so many Americans still consistently support the legalization of procured abortion? Why has it not drastically declined throughout the years?
In fact, although so many people view abortion as the destruction of human life, many more believe that this life is subordinate to the right of choice. Choice is a stronghold that monopolizes the abortion debate. We see here the immensity of the impact of such cases as Roe v. Wade on the conscience of so many Americans. Indeed Jane Roe sued because of the infringement of her right to privacy. She asked for the readily available access to choose a safe and legal abortion without the interference of the state or anyone else. In the end the "justices pulled a 'right to abortion'out of a vague 'right to privacy'from the Bill of Rights."20 But is it safe to conclude that the majority of the impact has come from this and other abortion cases? Isn't perhaps the American culture, so influenced by freedom and choice, partly to blame?
Rue states that the US culture's fascination with choice has also been a strong factor that has allowed for the constant support for legal procured abortion. He finds that "abortion exists within the US culture sympathetic to new rules and new expectations concerning personal freedom and so called "reproductive rights".21 He believes that the cultural context of abortion in the US is predicted by some fundamental changes relating to a culture that focuses on the value of freedom rather than the value of direction, the permanent desire to self-actualization and the psychological transformation of desires to needs.22 The US is a nation that places a great deal of emphasis on independence, freedom and self-actualization. All these factors lend to the importance of choice and privacy. This in turn has lead to the idealization of choice as a supreme value above and beyond many convictions and moral values. Consequently, procured abortion finds itself within a cultural context that helps to support its legalization.
Furthermore, the primacy of choice in the American culture has also influenced many in the predominately pro-life Christian sector. Jean Garton, author and lecturer for Life Concerns in the Lutheran Church, points out that "unfortunately, like abortion, the official views of Church bodies (Catholic, Orthodox, and Lutheran) have been seen as a matter of 'choice'by their members."23 In her article on "The Cultural Impact of Abortion" she states that abortion has been one of the major influences in diminishing loyalty and faithfulness of members to their different faith followings.24 It is urgent to notice that abortion crosses all borders, religious, cultural and economical. Being that so many people find themselves personally affected by abortion in some way, more people are submitting to tolerance so that they may not judge or be judged themselves. Therefore more people are found supporting the right to choose over being loyal to their own religious beliefs.
Reardon also confirms this unwavering support of choice. He states that although the aforementioned 80% believe abortion destroys a life, many still believe that it should remain legal. Furthermore, many women continue to view abortion as an alternative to unwanted or unplanned pregnancies. Although 70% of aborting women believe that what they are doing is morally wrong, they still abort.25 In addition, up to 30% of aborting women are Catholic.26 This evidence provides us with a clearer picture. Despite the efforts of the USCC's pro-life movement, choice continues to prevail. The matter of choice has precedence over the matter of respect for life. Consequently, procured abortion remains a common surgical procedure now performed upon request.
But if the abortion choice calls for the sacrifice of values and beliefs, in the end, is it really a choice? Theresa Burke, the author of "Forbidden Grief" and a psychotherapist who specializes in treating women who struggle with post-abortion issues, writes about the link of abortion to choice. She states that the choice of a woman should be based on an ideal situation of one who is "fully informed, emancipated, and emotionally stable."27 Here Burke associates choice with freedom but at the same time connects choice with the benefit of being well informed and emotionally capable of choosing. Based upon Burke's argument and the reality of how women come to make the choice of abortion, which we will look at next, many women are not making choices based on freedom. In reality, Burke writes: "while many women believe they need an abortion, very few, if any, want an abortion... abortion is a tragic attempt to escape a desperate situation... [It] is not a sign that women are free, but a sign that they are desperate."28
Very few women casually come to the decision of abortion just for the sake of abortion. Most women find themselves in crisis situations of overwhelming fear, pressure and confusion. Women are actually making misinformed and misguided choices. Furthermore, Burke continues, "many women are not truly emancipated; many are emotionally dependent on, or easily influenced by parents, boyfriends, husbands, counselors, employers or others who may want them to choose abortion far more than they want to choose it for themselves."29 Burke finds in her studies that 60% to 80% of women would actually have preferred to give birth if only their circumstances had been better.30 This is indicative that abortion is more often decided under unsuitable circumstances. Reardon also supports this by pointing out that pro-choice rhetoric emphasizes the "freedom of choice" but in fact the proof lies in the contrary; "most aborting women feel they have no choice."31 So let us see how and why many women come to the decision of abortion.
Burke examines the "flawed decision making" process of many women through the findings of Uta Landy. Landy is an abortion counselor and former executive director of the National Abortion Federation.32 It is interesting to look here at the perspective of someone who works in the abortion industry. As a counselor in an abortion clinic, Landy constantly dealt with women in the decision making process. Yet, although Landy verifies these flaws through her own personal experience, she still does not favor abortion providers to refuse abortion on account of such findings. This clearly pro-choice testimony may help to shed light on how abortion is a decision made in conflict and not in freedom.
"Uta Landy defines four types of defective decision-making styles that she has observed in abortion clinics. She labels and defines them as follows: 'spontaneous approach', wherein the decision is made too quickly; 'rational-analytical', which focuses on the practical reasons to terminate the pregnancy such as financial problems or single parenthood; 'denying-procrastinating'approach, which is typical of women who have delayed making a decision precisely because they have conflicting desires to keep their babies; and finally there is the 'no-decision making'approach which is the woman who refuses to make her own decision but allows others such as male partner, parents, counselor, physician to make her decision."33
Burke develops her own additional list of influences. She looks at the deeper issues that may derive from a woman's past or present relationships. Among her finds she lists: coercion, negative attitudes about motherhood or about own mother, communication errors within the couple, prior emotional conflicts, medically indicated abortion and finally the small minority that abort because they simply do not want a baby.34 It is interesting to note that the final reason is in the minority. Most people believe that women choose abortion when they do not want a child. "While women often hope that having an abortion will help them to achieve other goals (such as career, studies, relationships or financial stability), there is no research that shows that it generally does."35 Other more pro-choice findings indicate these additional factors: "absence of the father, financial constraints, inability to provide good parenting, conflict with prevailing social norms, health concerns and lack of social support."36 All these findings can show us how women are under pressure when deciding to abort.
We have been able to see briefly how the abortion dispute, typically divided into pro-life and pro-choice, is so influenced by the rhetoric of choice. The pro-life movement still has made enormous progress in dispersing information on the respect for human life in the womb to Christians and non-believers alike. Yet, the rapid secularization of US society and the reigning culture of freedom of choice have moreover infiltrated the moral conscience of many. Therefore the constant mainstream support of procured abortion has continued throughout the years. We have also briefly examined many women's realities when faced with the decision to abort. The evidence shows that many women are making hasty and desperate decisions. Many are facing unplanned and unwanted pregnancies in crisis, going against their own conscience and values. Now we come upon another question: what can be concretely done to shift the weight away from choice?
The USCCB read the signs of the times and saw the impact of legalized abortion upon US society and the USCC. "Respect for human life has been gradually declining in our society during the past decade. To some degree this reflects a secularizing trend and a rejection of moral imperatives based on belief in God and His plan for creation. It also reflects a tendency for individuals to give primary attention to what is personally rewarding and satisfying to them, to the exclusion of responsible concern for the well-being of other persons and society."37 Their plan was launched in hopes of educating the general public and instilling conviction and commitment in all faithful. They called for the belief in the sanctity of life reflected in the Gospel truths. But we see that Americans still support abortion even though they do believe that abortion is the taking of a human life. What else can be done to help Americans choose with their conscience rather than against it?
I believe that part of the answer is in the third part of the USCCB plan. At this point I propose looking at the other side of the abortion debate that is not so well known. This aspect lies within the third part of the USCCB plan; the call to healing and reconciliation. Let us look at the other life that is touched by abortion, the mother. There is certain despondency that aborted-woman carry. This hopelessness and suffering is not openly discussed in public forums and political debates. How can revealing their pain and suffering help bring about change in the abortion arena? Let us now look at the truth of what happens to many women who abort. Perhaps in revealing the truth about the suffering of aborted-women, who seek healing and reconciliation, we can tap into a reality that can help to bring more Americans to choose life over choice?
Copyright © 2007 Alejandra Correa
Alejandra Correa. «The Pastoral Call for Post-Abortion Healing and Reconciliation in the U.S. A Vital Response to Today's New Evangelization. The Legalization of Procured Abortion and its Consequences». vita9.org [in linea], anno 1 (2007) [inserito il 1º aprile 2007], disponibile su World Wide Web: <http://vita9.org/>, [32 KB].
J. Blackmun, Appeal from the US District Court for the Northern District of Texas, Texas 1973, Section II. Testo
Ibid. Testo
Ibid. Testo
Ibid. Testo
V. M. Rue, The Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion, 35. Testo
Ibid., 5. Testo
Ibid. Testo
A. Faúndes & J. Barzelatto, The Human Drama of Abortion: A Global Search for Consensus, Nashville 2006, xxi. Testo
V. Thorn, Project Rachel: Faith in Action, A Ministry of Compassion and Caring, in Post-Abortion Aftermath, Kansas City, 1994, 147. Testo
US Catholic Conference of Bishops, Pastoral Plan for Pro-Life Activities, Washington D.C. 1975, 3. Testo
Ibid. Testo
Ibid. Testo
Ibid. Testo
Ibid., 4. Testo
Ibid., 7. Testo
Ibid. Testo
Ibid., 5. Testo
D.C. Reardon, Making Abortion Rare, ix. Testo
Ibid. Testo
Ibid., 37. Testo
V. M. Rue, The Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion, 6. Testo
Ibid. Testo
J. Garton, The Cultural Impact of Abortion and Its Implications for a Future Society (Part One), in Post-Abortion Aftermath, Kansas City 1994, 96. Testo
Ibid. Testo
D. C. Reardon, Making Abortion Rare, ix. Testo
V. Thorn, Project Rachel: Faith in Action., 163. Testo
T. Burke, Forbidden Grief, 224. Testo
Ibid. Testo
Ibid., 116 Testo
Ibid. Testo
D. C. Reardon, Making Abortion Rare, ix. Testo
T. Burke, citing Uta Landy in Forbidden Grief, 226. Testo
Ibid., 227. Testo
Ibid., 240 Testo
Ibid. Testo
A. Faúndes & J. Barzelatto, The Human Drama of Abortion, 54-59. Testo
US Catholic Conference of Bishops, Pastoral Plan for Pro-Life (1975)..., Cit., 1. Testo