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Alejandra Correa, The Pastoral Call for Post-Abortion Healing and Reconciliation in the U.S.

A Path Towards Healing and Reconciliation: The Significance of Post-Abortion Issues

In order to answer the questions posed in the previous chapter, I would like to take a better look at a very specific aspect of the pastoral section of the USCCB plan. It was previously mentioned but not highlighted enough. The part of the plan that has mostly remained in the shadows of the educational and legislative efforts is that of the call for healing and reconciliation (herein referred to as "call") of all those who have been involved in a procured abortion. As Vicky Thorn, the then Director of Respect Life office in the Archdiocese of Milwaukee, noted "while the other parts of the plan were self-explanatory, the call for the healing ministry was truly prophetic."1 In a sense the educational and legislative portion of the plan were to be expected for the important reason that these efforts had already been put into practice by others in the pro-life movement. But the call for healing and reconciliation set in motion a series of events that would begin to bring awareness on another aspect of abortion, that of post-abortion.

So how may this call help to establish real conviction about the truth of abortion among the lay faithful and eventually other American citizens? I believe that the key lies in the mission of the whole Church to bring healing and reconciliation to aborted women. From this mission there can spring a gradual recognition of abortion's negative consequences and respectively a conviction that abortion is not a choice. The fact that these women are even seeking healing and reconciliation is a witness in and of itself that may lead more faithful to realize the urgency for post-abortion healing and reconciliation. Now let us look more specifically at the details of this call set forth by the USCCB.

1. The mission of the whole Church

The USCCB stressed the mission of the Church by stating her call to be "both a means and an agent of reconciliation; calling individual faithful to a role and "duty of promoting reconciliation."2 Therefore this call enveloped the whole praying community. It is the same call issued in the words of Pope John Paul II in Reconciliatio et Paenitentia when he wrote: "the message of reconciliation has also been entrusted to the whole community of believers, to the whole fabric of the Church, that is to say, the task of doing everything possible to witness to reconciliation and to bring it about in the world."3

In 1985, the USCCB reaffirmed their 1975 plan. They saw that a decade later the rapid secularization of US society was contributing to the gradual rejection of moral standards. Furthermore abortion was becoming an on-demand industry that continued to destroy over 1. 6 million unborn lives every year. Consequently despite the human problems that brought about abortion, the reaffirmed plan re-emphasized the urgency of healing and reconciliation. In addition, the USCCB posed a special call to all priests in helping to rebuild "the penitent's bond with God, with the child, with the family and with the community."4 Yet, despite all these renewed efforts there was still a difficulty.

The difficulty was that the Church herself was divided as to whether or not aborted women deserved to be forgiven. In other words, if these women had "chosen" to abort the life of their unborn child, how then did they deserve and furthermore desire forgiveness from the Church and finally Christ? The Church herself was not exempt from the division that abortion had brought about in the US. John Paul II also underlined these divisions that were brought about by differing views or options in doctrinal and pastoral field.5 He stated that if the Church is to be reconciling, she must begin by being a reconciled Church.6

The mission of the Church is sometimes a daunting task in the face of the ongoing battle against abortion. She has to not only fight the battle outside her boundaries and within society, but she must also be an instrument of healing to repair division that exists within her own boundaries. As Reardon pointed out "as a Christian community, however, we are not as far along in learning the lesson of compassion toward those who have actually been involved in abortion. For many, judgmentalism comes much easier than compassion because they lack the insight into the tremendous pressures and feelings of despair which lead to abortion."7 Insight is the key for allowing proper healing and reconciliation to take place. The only way to have insight is to be able to examine more closely just exactly what post-abortion entails. In the previous chapter we looked at some of the negative situations that may lead women to have an abortion. Now let us briefly look at how post-abortion research began and developed.

2. Post-abortion research and development

Research efforts on the psychological harm of abortion were initiated before its legalization in 1973. In fact, Vicki Thorn recalls that two important writers, the then Bishop Karol Wojtyla and Dr. Mary Calderone, "predicted the scope and nature of post-abortion aftermath that would later crystallize among American women."8 In 1960 Bishop Karol Wojtyla, who later as Pope would be a great advocate for life as well as healing and reconciliation, insightfully wrote on the "far-reaching consequences" of abortion in his book entitled "Love and Responsibility". Wojtyla pointed out that aside from the moral consequences of abortion it could also be highly traumatic. He underlined its contribution to anxiety neurosis and feelings of guilt and even psychotic reactions.9 He also noted that the memory of a terminated pregnancy could resurface almost a decade or more after its occurrence. Wojtyla correlated the severity of post-abortion trauma with guilt, resentment and depression.

Dr. Mary Calderone, both the president of the Sex Information and Education Council of the US and the medical director for Planned Parenthood Federation of America, also wrote an article in the American Journal of Public Health in 1960. Dr. Calderone recognized the traumatic consequences of abortion and at the same time represented an association, Planned Parenthood that supports abortion in America. She wrote: "in almost every case, abortion, whether legal or illegal, is a traumatic experience that may have severe consequences later on."10 Further on we will discover that the aforementioned statements by Wojtyla and Calderone would confirm many findings of post-abortion researchers. Although the truth of the harm of abortion was in a way being revealed, we will now see how the rising cultural changes would eclipse them for many years.

Theresa Burke, a psychotherapist who has worked with thousands of women affected by abortion, says that the 1960's sexual revolution had a great influence in helping to legalize abortion in 1973. These times saw the fear of population explosion and the impact of feminism and 'free love'that would allow for a gradual acceptance of abortion as a woman's choice.11 They would also lead important medical associations such as the "American Medical Association, the American Psychiatric Association (APA), and the American Psychological Association to begin reversing their prior positions of opposition to abortion."12 In addition, the sexual revolution gave way to easier access to contraceptives. This led to what Pope John Paul II termed as the "contraceptive mentality"; strengthening the temptation [of abortion] when an unwanted life is conceived."13 But all this would lead to the far-reaching consequences that Wojtyla had written about.

As a result, in the late 1970's, less than a decade after legalization, women began to group together in support from their negative abortion experiences.14 Such groups as "Women Exploited" and the later "Women Exploited by Abortion" (WEBA) would help begin programs for those in need. "WEBA helped to mark the start of the social movement of women who had experienced traumatic abortions to minister to each other."15 More women began coming forward either publicly or within small peer counseling groups across the nation. They were in need of validation for their grief. At the same time a small group of psychologists began to notice a growing number of women were showing clusters of symptoms from past abortions. Again, as Wojtyla had predicted, the memory of terminated pregnancies began to resurface.

Burke correlates that the findings of the aforementioned small group of psychologists fit the newly published criteria of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Around this time, Rue was one of the first and few psychotherapists to clinically identify and develop diagnostic criteria for what he termed as post-abortion syndrome (PAS) from the definition of PTSD. Although it was immediately rejected by the American Psychological Association, it still provided for the continued support of some post-abortion research. Other psychologists such as Susan Stanford also began to recognize post-abortive symptoms in her own clients and became a great promoter of post-abortion healing.16 In 1986 she would write her own abortion autobiography entitled "Will I Cry Tomorrow". Other apostolic efforts of healing and reconciliation such as Project Rachel, Rachel's Vineyard and the Jericho Plan were to arise progressively throughout the years. These programs would help support further research and help to heal aborted women.

Since then, there have been various authors and studies done on post-abortion issues. I would like to confine my study to Rue, Burke, and Reardon who have contributed extensively to post-abortion research and awareness both in and out of the USCC. Given the scope of my study, eventually focusing on healing and reconciliation, I will refer to these authors who have considered healing and reconciliation as a part of their mission. Correspondingly, I will also introduce and examine two particular authors, Aníbal Faúndes and José S. Barzelatto, who recently co-wrote a general work on the reality of abortion in the world entitled "The Human Drama of Abortion: A Global Search for Consensus." Although Faúndes and Barzelatto are in favor of the overall reduction of abortions world-wide they at the same time support the availability of contraceptives and 'safe abortions'as an option to all women. Notwithstanding their position in favor of abortion also offers insight as to its negative consequences.

Given the psychological, social and moral issues involved in the abortion debate, much of post-abortion research is still widely rejected. We will now see that because many women are unable to publicly or privately face their suffering after an abortion, reliable research is difficult to attain. Nearly 50% of women will not admit to having had an abortion in their past, as a result the reliability of collected data is many times speculative. Nevertheless, the research that has been carried out still sheds light as to the negative effect abortion has upon many women. At the same time the many voices of women who courageously come forward and speak about their negative experiences also serve as strong proof. Now let us look into the psychological aspects of post-abortion, usually termed PAS.

3. What is Post-abortion syndrome?

3.1. Dr. Vincent M. Rue

"In 1987 The American Psychiatric Association (APA) in its Diagnostic and Statistic Manual of Mental Disorder (DSM-III-R) described abortion as a type of psychological stressor." Shortly thereafter Rue began to concentrate his research in relating his findings of what he termed as PAS as a variant of PTSD. In his paper entitled "Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion" presented at a 1993 Post-Abortion Summit held in Washington DC, Rue challenged the notion that abortion was just the "removal of non-descript cells or tissue".17 He states that if in fact abortion is just a surgical procedure, than it should not have any psychological harm on women. But if indeed abortion is what the majority of Americans agree it is, the "taking of a human life"18 than it must be as he writes: an "intentionally caused human death experience" and may very well fall into the category of what is known as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

The APA defined PTSD in its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual as a reaction to an event or series of events that are outside the range of usual human experience. In other words, the manual specifies: "a serious threat to one's life or physical integrity; serious threat or harm to one's children; or seeing another person who has been or is being seriously injured or killed as the result of physical violence."19 Let us look at how Rue links PAS to the defined reactions of PTSD.

Like in PTSD, Rue identifies four basic components of PAS:

(1) exposure to or participation in an abortion experience, e. g. the intentional destruction of one's unborn child, which is perceived as sufficiently traumatic beyond the range of usual human experience; (2) uncontrolled negative re-experiencing of the abortion death event, e. g. flashbacks, nightmares, grief and anniversary reactions; (3) unsuccessful attempts to avoid or deny abortion recollections and emotional pain which result in reduced responsiveness with others and one's environment; and (4) experiencing associated symptoms not present before the abortion including guilt about surviving.20

Rue states that even though it is a deliberate choice women make, it is still the destruction of an unborn life and therefore like PTSD can cause significant trauma afterwards. His notable investigation brought about a significant milestone in post-abortion research. In 1992 the American Psychological Association published his definition of PAS in 'The Journal of Social Issues'. Though in no way did it reflect acceptance of Rue's research it did bring some awareness of PAS.

Diagnostic criteria for PAS

Through his findings, Rue compiled a detailed list of "Diagnostic Criteria for Post-abortion Syndrome."21 Here Rue developed a series of categories. He listed different types of reactions related to PAS as a stressor. We must note here that the APA had already identified abortion as a "psychological stressor" back in 1987 and was said to lead to a number of psychiatric disorders."22 Rue listed PAS as a stressor noting three specific categories of symptoms: reexperiencing, avoidance, and other associated features. Now we will look at the symptoms in more detail which is in fact a more wide-ranging list of Rue's previously mentioned four basic components.

The three categories are made up of various symptoms. A few or many of these symptoms can be found in numerous women who have had an abortion. The first category is that of the reexperiencing of an abortion trauma that could be lived out in many different ways. Rue lists some of them as:

recurrent or distressing recollections or dreams; intense psychological distress at exposure to events that symbolize or resemble abortion (such as clinics, pregnant mothers, subsequent pregnancies); anniversary reactions of intense grieving or depression or on projected due date of aborted child.

The second category, avoidance, he defines as a general numbing response that was not present before abortion indicated through: avoiding thoughts or feelings associated with the abortion; avoiding of activities that arouse recollection of abortion; inability to recall abortion experience; diminished interest in significant activities; detachment or estrangement from others; withdrawal in relationships or reduced communication; unable to have loving or tender feelings; sense of foreshortened future; does not expect to have a career, marriage, or children or a long life.

Finally he defines the last category, associated features, as persistent symptoms that were not present before the abortion that include two of the following: sleep associated problems; irritability or outbursts of anger; difficulty in concentration; hypervigilence; exaggerated startle response to intrusive recollections or reexperiencing of abortion; physiologic reactivity upon exposure to events that symbolize an aspect of the abortion; depression and suicidal ideation; survivors guilt; self devaluation and inability to forgive oneself; secondary substance abuse. The duration of any and all these symptoms is variable and may appear soon after the abortion or even years later.23

3.2. Burke and Reardon

Burke and Reardon, two previously mentioned authors, have also extensively worked and researched on the subject of post-abortion and recently co-authored a book entitled "Forbidden Grief: The Unspoken Pain of Abortion" (herein sometimes noted under the main author, Burke). Together, they review the various aspects of the pain of abortion. Both Burke and Reardon also link post-abortion trauma with PTSD. Uniquely they illustrate the many facets of abortion trauma by using dozens of personal accounts that are presented throughout the book. Like Rue, they also say that a clinical diagnosis of PTSD requires identification of symptoms. Their list of symptoms is compiled into three categories as well,: hyperarousal, intrusion and constriction.24 Although termed differently, Burke and Reardon cite all the same criteria within these three categories.

In addition Burke and Reardon examine aborted women's vision of themselves after an abortion. Generally speaking most women see themselves as criminals rather than victims. Many women find themselves feeling guilty after terminated a pregnancy. As previously mentioned almost 70% of women about to abort feel they are doing something morally wrong. Burke and Reardon point out that this too can induce symptoms of PTSD. Furthermore it may produce even more acute affects of PTSD when the "survivor" of the so called act of violence is not only "a passive witness but an active participant."25 Rue also supports this by stating "PTSD reactions are more persistent after an event for which human beings are perceived to be responsible."26

Like Rue, Burke and Reardon also try to rationalize the common notion that abortion is a mere surgical procedure. When compared to other common surgical procedures such as heart surgery, abortion has a uniquely high rate of regret and is therefore indicative of psychological conflict that may continue for years. In reality, in no other surgical procedure is there such a significant rate of trauma and dissatisfaction or regret like in abortion.27 The likelihood of an abortion bringing about positive results outside of the often reported and usually temporary feelings of relief is highly unlikely. A study conducted on a limited sample of women who had recently had an abortion showed signs of either PTSD or displayed high-stress reaction to their abortions.28 More than 64% experienced some sort of negative reaction to their abortion. It is perplexing to see how what is considered a common surgical procedure can affect women in a variety of negative ways.

3.3. Faúndes and Barzelatto

On the other hand, Faúndes and Barzelatto's standpoint on abortion is to continually support and at the same time reduce abortion throughout the world. There combined experience comes from years of study in Obstetrics and Gynecology and more specifically the reality of abortion throughout South America. The both witnessed the "drama of abortion" and came to realize as they say "for the majority of women, it [abortion] is a very disturbing experience that they would much prefer to avoid."29 In fact, their book provides insight as to how even though PAS is widely rejected it is at same time validated through some of their findings.

In touching upon the psychological affects of abortion, Faúndes and Barzelatto state that PAS is a "myth". The "adverse psychological sequelae or negative reactions occur in only a small percentage of women and the frequency and severity is much greater among women who are denied abortion."30 Yet in another section they list a variety of circumstances that may lead women to have negative reactions after an abortion. They list these as pressures that are present before the abortion and that persist after the abortion that may become acute.

Some of the circumstances listed are: "external pressures to abort against their own will, termination of pregnancy due to genetic fetal defect, pressures from cultural or religious environment that confer strong negative connotations to abortion; there conclusion being that termination of pregnancy does not have negative psychological consequences for women who make the decision without external pressures."31 In the previous chapter we saw the variety of ways women come to the threshold of abortion. This helps us to pose the question, are there really any women making the decision of abortion without external pressures or internal conflict? In this chapter we have touched upon some of the psychological after affects of abortion sometimes termed as PAS. Perhaps now is a good time to look more specifically at the different "risk factors" that may lead some women to suffer PAS.

4. Risk factors for PAS?

The risk factors vary widely. The outline shown in the "Appendix" compiled by Reardon in his book "Making Abortion Rare" is based on published findings by both those for and against abortion.32As in any traumatic experience, reactions to abortion vary due to differences in personality, influence of past experiences, social conditions, family and friend support systems and much more. Yet, if we take a closer look at the many risk factors we can see that most women are pre-disposed to having some type of negative reaction to their abortion. Unfortunately, since most studies are done during the period right after an abortion where signs of relief may overshadow those of grief, it is difficult to secure the exact repercussions of PAS and the related impending risk factors of different types of women.

The risk factors present us with profiles of many women in all kinds of situations. Yet if we study these risk factors along with Landy's 'flawed decision making'and Burke's list of other influences we may have a clearer picture of what exactly women face when making a decision to abort. How often are aborted women mistakenly labeled as either those who are exercising a reproductive right or those who are too weak to make their own decision? Yet, these risk factors can give us insight as to how many women may suffer negative reactions in many types of situations at almost any give time in their lives. So why is not the American public more aware of these risks for PAS and in turn banning abortion?

5. Some reasons why PAS is unknown

Many studies report and many friends, family and partners witness the immediate relief of women after having an abortion. Because most women feel a tremendous amount of tension before their abortions, most of these tensions are in fact temporarily relieved right after their abortion.33 Yet, despite the immediate sense of relief from the ensuing feelings of loss, guilt and confusion do later arise. Yet they are quickly suppressed and ignored because these feelings are not expected nor widely accepted after an abortion. And this denial and suppression may indicate the attached sense of shame that usually accompanies an abortion experience.

5.1. Social taboo

Unfortunately there are very deep sociological stigmas that do not allow for the truth of PAS to be revealed. Even though abortion has been legal for over 30 years and is widely accepted in the name of choice, the attached social stigmas are vast and sometimes seem insurmountable. Even though publicly abortion is a topic that is argued and discussed in the political and legal arena, individually and personally it is a matter that is subjected to the realms of secrecy. Burke interestingly cites a comparison of the trauma of abortion to the traumatic experience of soldiers on the front line of battlefield.

The soldiers come home to a society that labels them as brave and heroes when they in fact feel emotions of grief, remorse and guilt for what they have endured. Heroes for choosing to go to battle for their country yet by their actions of violence on the front line moreover feel as if they had no choice.34 In the same way because abortion is seen as a choice and right, there is no room for regret or grief afterwards. Society makes abortion a right but later turns a blind eye to any consequences suffered by women. Choice and independence does not allow for public regret or complaint. American society does not tolerate self-made victims.

Burke states: "as a society, we are deeply troubled by the abortion issue. While the majority of Americans believe abortion should be legally available in some circumstances, most are also morally troubled by it."35 There is a silent consent without really considering the ramifications. Not only do almost 80% of Americans think abortion is the taking of a human life, but 49% equate it with murder and only 16% claim it is merely a 'surgical procedure'. In fact, almost one in every three pro-choice advocates admits to believing that abortion is the ending of a human life.36 This puts abortion in a very conflicting sphere. Even though people agree that abortion is evil or morally wrong, it is still considered a right that should be available to women.

This cultural context of an obsession with rights, privacy and choice, along with the insidious social stigma almost makes the 'right of abortion'an oxymoron. Abortion is taboo within social circles and within intimate relationships. Abortion is kept as a sexual secret; three out of every four people keep sexual secrets.37 Abortion makes people uncomfortable. If it is a right, why is it confined to secrecy?

Abortion is something that is done but never spoken about. It is a right that is exercised but never boasted. Socially there is no way of dealing with abortion. There is no ceremony, celebration or condolence; instead it is just ignored.38 Unfortunately all this lends for a rather considerable obstacle for the truth of PAS or any negative consequences of abortion to be exposed. But these are not the only obstacles. Moral ambiguity in American society can also be an impediment.

5.2. Moral ambiguity

Morally speaking, abortion presents a very straightforward fact: abortion is the taking of a human life and for many Catholics and Christians it is a grave sin. But more Americans seem to view their moral standing as an inconsequential issue in light of the choice of abortion. As we have seen the statistics are contradictory. Many, whether Catholic, Christian or just morally against abortion still consistently support its legalization. As cited in the last chapter 30% of aborted women are Catholic. Catholics make up about 23% of the US population. Considering this fact, it is not surprising to believe that indeed Catholic women are having abortions.

Whether staunchly Catholic or not, we can see that when faced with an abortion decision, many people set aside their convictions in an act of despair. The late Pope John Paul II wrote "too often it happens that believers, even those who take an active part in the life of the Church, end up by separating their Christian faith from its ethical requirements concerning life, and thus fall into subjectivism and certain objectionable ways of acting."39 This shows the gravity with which abortion can affect the life of women. Choosing against conviction is in many ways choosing against self. This certainly leads to moral ambiguity. Now let us look at how all of the aforementioned issues, psychological, social and moral ultimately impede the healing of PAS in aborted women.

6. Obstacles to PAS healing, the grieving process

As in most experiences of loss or trauma, the ability to come to express what has occurred takes time. As material, physical or potential loss needs to be grieved in order to be resolved.40 Grieving is something that is learned through experience and through time. It can vary in different types of situations and persons. Grieving can involve all kinds of feelings such as loss, confusion, loneliness, anger, despair and guilt and is therefore a complicated process. The emotions are vast and may also vary in accordance with prior personal experiences. Grief, in all its complexity must be confronted, processed and finally resolved. Grief can only be resolved when it is finally accepted. This journey, in time, allows for the healing and discovery of renewed hope. Through the work of grief, most people learn to cope with life beyond their experience of loss.

As human beings are social by nature, a very important component of grief is social support and the experiencing of grief with others. It is shared through funeral rites and bereavement ceremonies, which most cultures have. Grief that is shared is easier to endure. Through the sharing of sorrow and loss, emotions are validated and the person lost is honored and remembered in a dignified manner.41

6.1. Unresolved grief

Unfortunately, because of the various psychological, social and moral issues many women suppress and deny their negative reactions or PAS and consequently deprive themselves of a much needed grieving process. A normal grieving process allows women to begin a journey of healing. Rue states that the "unacknowledged grief and guilt, anticipated condemnation by others, as well as the terror of re-experiencing the trauma all enable and maintain the parameters of secrecy and isolation."42 This makes women incapable of realizing that they can be healed; that there is hope and reconciliation after abortion. For many it is an issue of unresolved grief."43 Rue, Burke and Reardon refer to this as 'disenfranchised grief. 'Disenfranchised grief is the deprivation of the right to grieve. This type of grief can be both self-inflicted as well as socially instilled.

Rue states that the interaction between society and the self's disenfranchisement is both cause and effect."44 Whether social, personal or moral, the primary source of disenfranchised grief is shame. Because of this shame the woman subjects herself to a life of silence from her abortion secret and at the same time is not given the chance to openly mourn her loss. This brings her to a vicious cycle of regret and denial. The psychological, social and moral conflicts do not allow women to validate their feelings nor to begin healing.

6.2. Post-abortion grieving

Grief is not expected from abortion. There is a general lack of acceptance for grieving in abortion. A great majority in the pro-life movement judge grief as unacceptable because they feel that a person must endure the suffering as a consequence for their choice. While on the other hand the pro-choice side blatantly dismisses post-abortion grief and suffering in the name of freedom. The choice should be liberating, bringing relief rather than grief. Whether a there is a recognition of a lost life or the potential of a life lost, the majority of aborted women are unable to grieve. This can lead women to feel irrational, confused and abnormal.

Because of the nature of unresolved grief in abortion, the process of grieving is all the more complicated and delicate. The guilt that is inhibited leads to complicated mourning, says Rue.45 Aborted women need to process grief and go through a mourning process in order to begin a journey of healing towards a possible moment of reconciliation. The loss suffered and the guilt endured must be resolved both personally and socially. For now the ability for aborted women to mourn is not easily accepted, but perhaps with the awareness of PAS this can become a possibility for more women who regret their past decision. This in turn would help other women to realize that abortion is not a choice.

A very important side note: although we can say that many women do regret their abortions and encounter feelings of guilt and shame, unfortunately there are some women who use abortion as a type of contraceptive without any moral resentment whatsoever. Perhaps a very optimistic view of humanity can lead one to imagine that there is no human being that could take another life without feeling guilt, but indeed there are those who do. Either by lack of conscience or out of sheer ignorance, some women exceedingly take recourse to abortion as a simple surgical procedure. In today's American society, as the acceptance of abortion is indeed rampant, selfish sexual behavior lead many to believe that abortion is one of many types of contraceptives.

As the late Pope John Paul II pointed out in his important encyclical letter Evangelium Vitae:

despite their differences of nature and moral gravity, contraception and abortion are often closely connected, as fruits of the same tree. It is true that in many cases contraception and even abortion are practiced under the pressure of real- life difficulties, which nonetheless can never exonerate from striving to observe God's law fully. Still, in very many other instances such practices are rooted in a hedonistic mentality unwilling to accept responsibility in matters of sexuality, and they imply a self-centered concept of freedom, which regards procreation as an obstacle to personal fulfillment. The life which could result from a sexual encounter thus becomes an enemy to be avoided at all costs, and abortion becomes the only possible decisive response to failed contraception.46

7. Helping to build a "culture of life"

The changing of social stigmas and altering the moral debate to also focus on women's suffering play an important role in allowing the truth of PAS to be acknowledged and brought to light. But at the same time, the more we are able to expose PAS research the more these stigmas and issues can shift. Both elements rely on each other in order to bring about a holistic change. They may also lead to allowing the call of healing and reconciliation to become an essential mission both in and out of the Catholic Church. Slowly this can all begin to turn the tide of abortion in America.

As Christians are called to be beacons of hope, then hope should always prevail. Even though it sometimes seems as if everything goes against what John Paul termed as the "culture of life",47 there is still hope. One hope may lie in the prophetic call of the USCCB, and those who have helped to heal aborted women. The healing of these women can give them a new life and a renewed sense of hope. It can also make them the "most eloquent defenders of everyone's right to life."48 Through their transformation they can witness silently or even publicly and speak the truth about what abortion did to them. They can proclaim the truth that abortion is not a choice and destroys the unborn, women, families, society and humanity as a whole. Through these revealed truths there can be a "renewal of a culture of life within Christian communities themselves"49 as John Paul had asked.

In this next chapter we will examine one of the many apostolic efforts that have brought about concrete healing and reconciliation both in and out of the Catholic Church. Although there have been many efforts that have reached out to many women in need, we will look at: "Project Rachel." Project Rachel was the first and is the official post-abortion healing and reconciliation ministry of the USCC. We will see how this apostolic ministry helps to heal women, educate priests and lay, promotes research and awareness and brings the official reconciliation of the Church by way of Christ's sacraments.

Copyright © 2007 Alejandra Correa

Alejandra Correa. «The Pastoral Call for Post-Abortion Healing and Reconciliation in the U.S. A Vital Response to Today's New Evangelization. A Path Towards Healing and Reconciliation: The Significance of Post-Abortion Issues». vita9.org [in linea], anno 1 (2007) [inserito il 1º aprile 2007], disponibile su World Wide Web: <http://vita9.org/>, [45 KB].

Note

  1. V. Thorn, Project Rachel: Faith in Action, 147. Testo

  2. US Catholic Conference of Bishops, Pastoral Plan for Pro-Life (1975), 1. Testo

  3. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Reconciliatio et Paenitentia, 1984, 8. Testo

  4. US Catholic Conference of Bishops, Pastoral Plan for Pro-Life (1985), 6. Testo

  5. John Paul II, Reconciliatio et Paenitentia, 2. Testo

  6. Ibid., 9 Testo

  7. D. C. Reardon, Making Abortion Rare, 8. Testo

  8. V. Thorn, Project Rachel: Faith in Action, 148. Testo

  9. Ibid., citing Bishop Wojtyla. Testo

  10. Ibid., citing Dr. Calderone. Testo

  11. Ibid. Testo

  12. Ibid. Testo

  13. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Evangelium Vitae 1995, 13. Testo

  14. T. Burke, Forbidden Grief, 272. Testo

  15. Ibid. Testo

  16. Ibid. Testo

  17. V. M. Rue, The Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion, 28-29. Testo

  18. D. C. Reardon, Making Abortion Rare, ix. Testo

  19. V. M. Rue, The Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion, 30-31. Testo

  20. Ibid. Testo

  21. Ibid., 32. Testo

  22. Ibid., 29. Testo

  23. Ibid., 32. Testo

  24. T. Burke, Forbidden Grief, 109. Testo

  25. Ibid., 115. Testo

  26. V. M. Rue, The Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion, 33. Testo

  27. T. Burke, Forbidden Grief, 48. Testo

  28. V. M. Rue, The Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion, 20. Testo

  29. A. Faúndes & J. Barzelatto, The Human Drama of Abortion, 54 Testo

  30. Ibid., 37-38. Testo

  31. Ibid Testo

  32. D. C. Reardon, Making Abortion Rare, 161-166. Testo

  33. T. Burke, Forbidden Grief, 32. Testo

  34. Ibid., 35. Testo

  35. Ibid., 56. Testo

  36. Ibid. Testo

  37. V. M. Rue, The Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion, 9. Testo

  38. T. Burke, Forbidden Grief, 55. Testo

  39. John Paul II, Evangelium Vitae, 95. Testo

  40. T. Burke, Forbidden Grief, 32. Testo

  41. Ibid., 53-54. Testo

  42. V. M. Rue, The Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion, 9. Testo

  43. T. Burke, Forbidden Grief, xviii. Testo

  44. V. M. Rue, The Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion, 8. Testo

  45. V. M. Rue, The Psychological Realities of Induced Abortion, 9. Testo

  46. John Paul II, Evangelium Vitae, 13. Testo

  47. Ibid. Testo

  48. Ibid., 99. Testo

  49. Ibid., 95. Testo